A New Citizenship

On February 12, 2011, the front page of al-Ahram newspaper read, “Ash-Sha`b Asqat an-Nizam.” The People Toppled the Regime. Eleven days later, I still read this headline with a great deal of unabated emotions. They are emotions rooted in empowerment, pride, and most of all an optimism I had never felt before. It is truly a renewed sense of citizenship–of living in an historical time that intersects the triumph over past hardships with the power to mold a new future. For 18 days and nights, I walked, talked and breathed the Revolution. I would wake up in the early hours of the morning elated to see crowds protect their neighborhoods, clean streets and erupt in pro-democracy and anti-government chants, and distraught at the sight of battle scenes between them and regime thugs. And when I woke up on February 12, I actually felt an otherwise unfamiliar sense of relief; I was “free” for the first time thousands of miles away from Egypt. What happened in Cairo’s Tahrir Square and other Egyptian cities transcended all aspects of my identity, politics and experiences, and revolutionized my own sense of self. While my family escaped the corrupt and repressive system in Egypt for a chance at the “American Dream” for their children, for the first time in my life I wanted to partake in the “Arab Dream” of building a new free and democratic nation. It was finally possible.

This transitional period is therefore crucial to ensuring a true chance at a functioning democracy in Egypt. Toppling Mubarak is not enough. The entire regime must be dismantled and revolutionaries must never relent until this happens. These are four quick points on the transition, but I plan to delve into the process in a later post:

(1.) While there has been shuffling in the interim cabinet to get rid of figures associated with the previous regime, more needs to be done.The new interim cabinet must constitute a more inclusive set of forces, rather than the old faces in different suits. Let us not forget what the People demanded during the Revolution: No to Mubarak, No to Suleiman, and No to Shafiq. The cabinet that Mubarak selected must follow his fate.

(2.) The constitution must be re-written, not merely amended. While the amendments would certainly mitigate some of the imbalances the Mubarak regime entrenched in the system, a new constitution must be drafted to capture both a modernized and democratic notions that are indelibly absent in the current constitution.

(3.) In a rush to transition powers, elections must not be hurried. Opposition parties, which have suffered greatly under the ousted regime, must be bolstered and given adequate time to run a full length campaign. After all, the guys at Wafd haven’t done much beyond reading their own newspaper for the last 20+ years.

(4.) Figures of the previous regime must be held accountable for their crimes against the people, and the security forces should be radically restructured with key figures prosecuted. That includes Hosni Mubarak, his entire family, entourage, thugs, gangs and all those who conspired against the People.

Lastly, as a blast from the past on a post I made 2.5 years ago, I stand corrected. Apparently, “if one were to plan out the toppling of a regime,” s/he would in fact “‘create an event’ on Facebook, or blog about it.” Who knew? But I did call it, on top of his oppositionists and economic woes, Mubarak had every reason to fear the youth. Thank you, Tunisia, for leading the way.

Dear Church, will you marry me?

In Egypt the line between politics and religion is as blurry as my windshield on a rainy day (remind me to replace my wipers!).  According to the orthodox Coptic tradition, divorce is frowned upon and remarriage is an impossibility.  Therefore, when a Coptic man thought this was supremely unfair (and unconstitutional), he went to the Administrative Court to force the church to marry him–a step he needs to be legally married that is.  In an unexpected and controversial ruling, the Court ruled in favor of the plaintiff forcing the Coptic church to abide by “constitutional” rights.  The church then appealed to the Supreme Constitutional Court.  This begs the age old questions: is marriage a religious institution?  Is the state interfering in religious freedom? Is religion intruding on constitutional rights? Why the hell does this man want to remarry given the church probably gave him hell for divorcing? Ok never mind on the last question; afterall, who doesn’t deserve a second chance? One hopes this case brings to light the absurdity of religious intrusion in personal life.  And similarly state intrusion in personal life (such as declaring a religion on ID card, switching religions, not allowing Egyptians to marry Israelis, not allowing Muslim women to marry non-Muslim men, etc.).  Unfortunately, the insatiable need to regulate identities and human behavior is an obsession of religions and states alike, and their marriage is as overbearing as a used car salesman.

Women Must Judge

egyptian-woman-protest

Women protesting in Egypt holding a sign that says, "No to Discrimination."

The headline reads, “Council head faces judges’ ire over female appointments.”  It was music to my ears as I read it out loud.  Surely, not the part about the Council head facing ire; rather the fact that a daring soul decided to appoint females to the Council. At the risk of gloating, I could not be more proud of my uncle for standing up for women’s rights today and issuing a decree to appoint female judges to the State Council.  We’ve had our disagreements over multitude of issues, but when it comes to confronting the parochial norms of holding women down from certain professions I could not agree more.

The Muslim Sisterhood

Supporters of MB nominees, Esam Mukhtar (male) and Makarem al-Driri (female), marching on the streets

Supporters of MB nominees, Mr. Esam Mukhtar (male) and Dr. Makarem al-Diri (female), marching on the streets holding signs that say, "Islam is the Solution."

A recent law in Egypt requires at least 64 seats of the 444-member parliament in Egypt to be filled by women.  This affirmative action policy aims to elevate the status of women, and some assume it is an attempt by the ruling NDP to offset the Muslim Brotherhood MPs.  How will MB adjust to this? This article hints that the organization may nominate more Islamist women to vie for these seats despite a patriarchal dominance in the group.  Others suspect this move may be too avant garde for the religious organization. So will the MB tango with the government? People tend to overestimate the ideological rigidity of religious organizations in the face of electoral politics.  If there’s anything the MB has taught us, it is that Islamists are willing to transform themselves and society in the ever-metamorphosing political fray.  Although women do not hold high leadership positions in the organization, they are an overlooked crucial bedrock of the grassroots movement.   As this article suggests, they have already been running on electoral tickets in various provinces, and have become more visible fixtures in culture and politics.  Their roles will surely continue to evolve if not by the 2010 parliamentary elections then soon thereafter.

Party Foul

Is it not ironic (and funny) that in a recent state propaganda conference in the Daqahliyah district in Egypt to endorse Mubarak and his “solidarity” with Gaza, the National Democratic Party (NDP)—the ruling party—printed its own country’s flag upside down and passed them out to the audience? So instead of the red stripe on the top and black on the bottom while the white is in the middle, this was reversed.  One observer responded, “As if it really came down to the flag…everything in this country works upside down.  Did the [ruling] Party forget what the flag looked like or what?”

Perhaps it has.

Armenians in Egypt

This is an interesting piece on Armenians in Egypt (sorry it’s all in Arabic!). 

Social Networking Threatens to Topple Regime?

Facebook Group

Picture taken moments before the arrest of 6 April Youth Movement members. Source: Facebook group

Facebook, blogs, and political participation in general are apparently huge threats to the Egyptian government. Fourteen young Egyptians have been arrested for allegedly “assembling, hampering with traffic, and attempting to topple the regime” in Sidi Bishr beach in Alexandria on the anniversary of the 1952 Revolution that overthrew the monarchy—a national holiday in Egypt. The detainees are part of a Facebook group called “6 April Youth Movement” named after the April 6 General Strike for the People of Egypt—which garners over 72,000 members. Although the group is not affiliated with any political parties, on July 23, the day of their arrest, thirty members showed solidarity with Ayman Nour by visiting the headquarters of his party. Nour is the former leader of el-Ghad Party who has been wrongfully detained by the Mubarak regime since January 2005 for daring to run against him in the last (s)election. The regime conveniently charged Nour with “forging power of attorneys” to create the nascent political party—a claim he continues to deny. According to al-Ahram Weekly:

Police officers forced [the 6 April Youth] off the beach and onto the streets of Al-Raml where they continued singing and waving flags, one of which was attached to a kite.“A truck packed with Central Security personnel arrived and arrested 14 of the 30 demonstrators while the rest managed to flee,” Gamal Eid, executive director of the Arab Network for Human Rights Information, who met the arrested group while in custody, told Al-Ahram Weekly.[...]The arrested denied any links with political parties or the Muslim Brotherhood. “They told investigators that they did not advocate destructive ideas, let alone toppling the regime. They said they would not even incite people to stage a civil disobedience,” says Eid.[...]Bloggers, and Facebook activists in particular, have become a thorn in the Egyptian authorities’ side, especially after attempts to organise a nationwide strike on 6 April in support of textile workers in Al-Mahala Al-Kobra. “The government believes that the number of cyberspace activists, most of whom are not affiliated with political parties, is growing steadily. What really worries them is that these young activists are ordinary people who have the potential to organise a demonstration or a strike,” says Eid. Blogger and activist Mina Zekri agrees. “The authorities have clamped down on the 6 April activists because they are terrified of the idea that ordinary people, without any political party affiliation, are developing the potential to instigate political action. Even the phrase ’6 April youth’ is enough to ruffle the feathers of the government. The security apparatus clearly believes that this kind of opposition has the ability to incite people to demonstrate. That’s why they hit them hard in Alexandria, where they were just flying a kite with an Egyptian flag attached to it.” [Read the full article here]

Facebook Group

Translation: Free the 6 April Youth Detainees. Source: Facebook.

It seems like the easier it has become to organize and communicate, the more tyrannical regimes have become. Thus, joining a Facebook group or creating a candid blog is now equivalent to wearing a “shoot-me” sign. Initially, the dictatorship’s actions appear petty and overly paranoid. After all, if one were to plan out the toppling of a regime, s/he would not exactly “create an event” on Facebook, or blog about it. However, these online outlets are more than just organizing tools. While dictatorships work to break people down into despair and apathy, perhaps a blog or a Facebook group is the only place where dissidents do not feel alone—especially when 72,000 others show solidarity. In addition to the “usual suspects” (his typical dissidents) and the deteriorating economic conditions, Mubarak should fear a rise of political consciousness among the youth in Egypt. Then again, I am sure paranoia is a dictator’s middle name.

Mubarak Style Justice

Is it not ironic that while bloggers are jailed in Egypt, murderers roam free?  The owner of a ferry that sank in 2006 and four others were found not guilty for the accident that led to the death of over 1,000 people.  It was reported that the boat had several safety problems, and should not have been operating.  In a dictatorship, these minor details are irrelevant. 

The owner of the ferry is a rich businessman and a member of Parliament—a profession that automatically relieves him of any responsibility. More importantly, the people who died on the boat are either poor or natives.  There were no rich businessmen/women, public officials, actors/actresses, tourists, or any high-profile hotshot onboard—which means that there was no one “important” on the sinking ferry. In fact, according to the Egyptian justice system, this case is a waste of time, and perhaps the victims will even have to compensate the neglectful owners (criminals) for the emotional distress they experienced for possibly having to pay for their crime. Meanwhile, the LA Times still calls Egypt a “democracy.”

“Gathering Dissent”

Joel Beinin, the director of Middle East Studies (or what I like to call the MES) at AUC and Stanford University professor, wrote a great article regarding the recent labor woes in Egypt in MERIP’s Middle East Report.  He writes:

The liberal daily al-Misri al-Yawm reported a total of 222 strikes, demonstrations and protests in 2006 and 580 in 2007. Workers and Trade Union Watch, a labor-friendly website, enumerated 27 collective actions in the first week of January 2008 alone. Estimates of the number of workers involved in this movement range from 300,000 to 500,000. During 2007 strikes spread from their center of gravity in the textile and clothing industry to encompass building materials workers, transport workers, the Cairo subway workers, food processing workers, bakers, sanitation workers, oil workers in Suez and many others. Private-sector industrial workers comprised a more prominent component of the movement than ever before.

In the summer of 2007 the movement broadened to encompass white-collar employees, civil servants and professionals. The single largest collective action of the entire strike movement was the December 2007 strike of some 55,000 real estate tax collectors employed by local authorities. After months of public demonstrations, they struck briefly and won their demand for wage parity with their counterparts employed directly by the Ministry of Finance.

The Muslim Brotherhood seems to be missing a piece of this action—rather it is intentionally excluded from it—so things are looking up for alternative forged coalitions in Egypt. Moreover, privatizing industries without any regulations or laws makes it less about fixing the economy and more about placing as much money in the pockets of Mubarak’s CEO friends as possible.  This spells trouble for the Mubarak Dynasty and his businessmen cronies.